WHERE IS SONU THESE DAYS

SONU SONU stands for Student Organization of Nairobi University. It is an organization whose membership comprises all people who enroll as students to study different disciplines with an aim of becoming professionals within those specific fields.SONU has influenced most of the political transitions in the country, Kenya. The students’ union has undergone a lot of significant developments within its history including being banned several times by both the Jommo Kenyatta and Daniel Moi governments. SONU leaders over the years have actively participated in matters of national concern and they have over the times expressed students’ position about issues of national and international concern. Examples include their reaction to the assassination of JM Kariuki where students lead by then leaders like Wanyiri Kihoro and James Orengo demanded truth to be established and justice to be done by organizing mass protests. In 1982,there was an attempted coup against the Moi government.amny student leaders including the then chairman Mr.Ttito Adungosi were arrested in connection to the coup.Adungosi was later convicted and sentenced for a prison term of ten years but died in prison due to high level of tortures to political prisoners during the reign of the then president Moi.After the aborted 1982 coup the Moi government continued to act tough on student leaders and lecturers because they were suspected to be inciters against his oppressive regime. A group of students led by the then Chairman Mwandawiro Mghanga were expelled from University, arrested and harassed most of the times. In 1987 the then chairman of SONU Mr.Wafula Buke was detained on suspicion that he was spying for the Libyan government which by then was at loggerheads with the Moi regime.buke was later imprisoned only to be released after introduction of multiparty politics in Kenya 1n February 1990 SONU leaders took to the streets following the mysterious murder of the then Kenya’s foreign minister Dr.Robert John Ouko whose charred remains were found at Got Alila near his Koru home after four days of disappearance. This led to closure of the University. During the struggle for multiparty democracy in Kenya, the union was steadfast in supporting the leaders of opposition who comprised the doyen of Kenyan opposition politics the late Jaramogi Oginga Odinga,Masinde Muliro,Martin Shikuku,George Nthenge,Philip Gachoka And Ahmed Salim Bahmariz.SONU played a significant role in transforming Kenya into a multiparty state. This led it to be disbanded in 1992.Many student leaders were suspended or expelled. In 1998, some student leaders sought truce with the then president Moi and asked the government to lift the ban and register of the union.Moi believing that they were going to assist him solve his numerous political problems gave in to their request and SONU was registered under a new name, SONU 98.elections were held and officials were sworn in. during SONU elections which were conducted by the electoral commission of Kenya, violence was rampant between different warring groups. One most prominent group which was lead by Christopher Owiro who was well known as Karl Marx was the most powerful although this caused Karl Marx’s opponents to gain sympathy votes. 1n the year 1999 the university established the parallel degree programme.the student leaders were against it for they regarded it as exploitative and an opening for corruption. It was an idea coined by the then Vice Chancellor Prof Francis Gichaga, the late Prof.James Kimani, Prof Mukunya and Prof Kibera.The union mobilized students to protest against this and the university was closed as a result. the student union leaders who included Karl Marx, George Omondi,Irungu Kang’ata,David ole Sankok,Cd Otieno,Mwengi Mutuse,Lawrence Nyaguti among others were expelled from the university as a result. The union was also suspended. The university was later re-opened after these events without any union leadership. The expelled leaders took the university to court over wrongful and illegal suspension but because the state machinery was against them, the case was later thrown out as the student leaders remained suspended and others expelled. a number of then first year students including Fwamba nc Fwamba,Ken Obura,Geff Adero,and Agunda tried to continue the struggle but Ken Obura was suspended in the process thus making his colleagues to retreat. The student union remained disbanded until Moi was out of power. Since many university students had taken part in campaigning for NARC(National Rainbow Coalition) and ensured that Moi and his party KANU(Kenya African National Union) were out of power, many rose up against the then Moi orphans and demanded reinstatement of the union and unconditional amnesty to all suspended and expelled students. They established an underground committee called the seventeen man committee which comprised both students in the university and those suspended. Among others the committee comprised the following; Ken Obura, Murage Njagagua, Fwamba NC Fwamba, Makokha Wanjala, Cd Otieno, Mwengi Mutuse and Tedd Munovi.They orchestrated the move by having regular night meetings in Fwamba NC Fwamba’s room. Then when the plan was ready, the seventeen man committee mobilized students to go to the University of Nairobi’s great court to demand reinstatement of the union from the Vice Chancellor Prof.Crispus Makau Kiamba and return of all suspended and expelled students unconditionally. Due to student pressure Prof .Kiamba gave in to their demands .the union was reinstated and the elections were carried out. Students voted in large numbers and voted in most of the seventeen man committee members including Fwamba, Makokha, Munovi, Mutuse and Murage.

2007:THE YEAR OF RECKONING

Comrades, Brothers, sisters, friends and enemies, Happy New Year 2007 to you all. Its my take and I believe everyone’s understanding that whatever makes a true politician is ability to foresee the future and act in/on time. It’s agreeable that the current scenario in Kenyan politics is forming government of coaltions.even in these coalitions it seems valueless if you are in a mega euphoric political party that doesn’t necessarily subscribe to any ideology where you are o foot soldier. It doesn’t matter much to you as an individual whether that party wins or looses election. The stakes will be insignificant. At our age, comrades, and both those in government and in opposition I beseech you that it will be in vain to continue being tails of some organization when we have intentions of heading this country. We can’t head this country if we remain followers instead of leaders. I refuse to believe that the only positions we can occupy in parties is ‘’youth leader’’, ‘’goon for hire’’, or ‘’handout seeker’’. I find some of these parties are already too congested with power hungry characters that not only see young people as threats to their power but as potential people to make them irrelevant with time. That’s why I believe we must wake up and focus on reaching where we have space that can prepare us for leadership before time runs out. It’s my suggestion to all of you whether you are a government sympathizer or in opposition. I know some of you comrades especially those in narc Kenya are busy doing grassroots campaign right now…I also know that your member of parliament you want to oppose is one of the narc-k founders….so if you are serious about your political ambition you must sincerely see sense in my writings.. It’s our duty now to shop around and see where we can belong and what we can own. Most of you comrades understand and know that at the university we were able to campaign and win elections without these old folks. We don’t have followed them daily. We need to show our people and supporters our new ways of doing things. I believe that amongst us we have better leaders than most of them. It’s our time to stand and be counted while upholding our political moral ideologies. Just like in 1980s and early 90s people like Paul Muite, Gitobu Imanyara, Njeru Kathangu, George Anyona, James Orengo, Mwandawiro, wafula Buke and others. This is our only opportunity to put things in order. According to that belief, I don’t think that it will be wise for us to claim membership of Narc Kenya , ODM Kenya, just as foot soldiers. Since I strongly believe we have a big constituency on our own, I strongly request all of us to work towards joining any political party that will have us either in charge or well recognized within its leadership structures. I reiterate that it’s our time to lead not to follow. I know towards election time it will be a political battle of two titans. Am sure the party we will join will be on one of the two opposing sides. The party we would have joined must by principle join one of the two forces so that we are part of power sharing agreement either in the civil service, legislature and other top government appointments. If you guys continue following euphorically, the majority of us may never benefit. Am going to check manifestos of various parties and the leaders of those parties, then I will later get in touch and update you accordingly. I will inform you where our space can be found.costructive queries are welcome.so,whisper when you say ''Tiger is the messenger of the many. FWAMBA NC FWAMBA

2007:THE YEAR OF RECKONING

Comrades, Brothers, sisters, friends and enemies, Happy New Year 2007 to you all. Its my take and I believe everyone’s understanding that whatever makes a true politician is ability to foresee the future and act in/on time. It’s agreeable that the current scenario in Kenyan politics is forming government of coaltions.even in these coalitions it seems valueless if you are in a mega euphoric political party that doesn’t necessarily subscribe to any ideology where you are o foot soldier. It doesn’t matter much to you as an individual whether that party wins or looses election. The stakes will be insignificant. At our age, comrades, and both those in government and in opposition I beseech you that it will be in vain to continue being tails of some organization when we have intentions of heading this country. We can’t head this country if we remain followers instead of leaders. I refuse to believe that the only positions we can occupy in parties is ‘’youth leader’’, ‘’goon for hire’’, or ‘’handout seeker’’. I find some of these parties are already too congested with power hungry characters that not only see young people as threats to their power but as potential people to make them irrelevant with time. That’s why I believe we must wake up and focus on reaching where we have space that can prepare us for leadership before time runs out. It’s my suggestion to all of you whether you are a government sympathizer or in opposition. I know some of you comrades especially those in narc Kenya are busy doing grassroots campaign right now…I also know that your member of parliament you want to oppose is one of the narc-k founders….so if you are serious about your political ambition you must sincerely see sense in my writings.. It’s our duty now to shop around and see where we can belong and what we can own. Most of you comrades understand and know that at the university we were able to campaign and win elections without these old folks. We don’t have followed them daily. We need to show our people and supporters our new ways of doing things. I believe that amongst us we have better leaders than most of them. It’s our time to stand and be counted while upholding our political moral ideologies. Just like in 1980s and early 90s people like Paul Muite, Gitobu Imanyara, Njeru Kathangu, George Anyona, James Orengo, Mwandawiro, wafula Buke and others. This is our only opportunity to put things in order. According to that belief, I don’t think that it will be wise for us to claim membership of Narc Kenya , ODM Kenya, just as foot soldiers. Since I strongly believe we have a big constituency on our own, I strongly request all of us to work towards joining any political party that will have us either in charge or well recognized within its leadership structures. I reiterate that it’s our time to lead not to follow. I know towards election time it will be a political battle of two titans. Am sure the party we will join will be on one of the two opposing sides. The party we would have joined must by principle join one of the two forces so that we are part of power sharing agreement either in the civil service, legislature and other top government appointments. If you guys continue following euphorically, the majority of us may never benefit. Am going to check manifestos of various parties and the leaders of those parties, then I will later get in touch and update you accordingly. I will inform you where our space can be found.costructive queries are welcome.so,whisper when you say ''Tiger is the messenger of the many. FWAMBA NC FWAMBA

MALCOM X-BLACK NATIONALISM

THE MESSENGER OF THE MANY''NC FWAMBA''.malcolm x On Feb. 21, 1965, Malcolm X was gunned down by assassins as he was about to give a speech at the Audobon Ballroom in Harlem, N.Y. His assassination was a stunning blow to the Black liberation movement. The circumstances surrounding the death of Malcolm X remain unresolved. Many people believe – and rightfully so – that the real perpetrators and killers were never caught. Undoubtedly, the greatest beneficiary of Malcolm’s death was the U.S. government. The American ruling class will discover, however, that the ideas and solutions that Malcolm X popularized cannot be buried as easily as the man. Malcolm X was an uncompromising opponent of the U.S. government. In the early 1960s, his ideas for what road to take for Black freedom and equality represented the most militant wing of the fight against racism. Nation of Islam days Malcolm X first came into public prominence as a dynamic spokesperson and organizer for the Nation of Islam (Black Muslims). The Nation of Islam advocated a religious and separatist solution to the scourge of white racism. It was an attractive organization to many Black people because it encouraged Black pride and independence. In addition, they were unalterably opposed to integration with the “white man” and instead advocated Black self-reliance and a Black “homeland.” Malcolm X was the Nation of Islam’s most eloquent and powerful speaker. He was their best recruiter and was responsible for their tremendous growth in membership. In early 1964, however, Malcolm X broke with the Nation of Islam. There were many reasons for this, but the most important was their abstention from the Black struggle for civil rights. Need for political action Malcolm X believed that political organization and action was the most effective means to win Black liberation. Although his painful break with the Nation of Islam forced him to re-examine many of the solutions and tactics he had previously advocated, he never changed his basic analysis of what was needed to win the fight for justice and equality. Malcolm X was a consistent Black nationalist and a revolutionist of action. He consistently argued that: - Black people will get their freedom only by fighting for it; - that the U.S. government is a racist government and is not going to grant freedom; - that gradualism (slow reform), the program of the liberals – Black and white, Democrat and Republican – is not the road to equality; - that traitors within the Black movement (“Uncle Toms”) must be exposed and opposed; - that Black people must rely on themselves and control their own struggle; - and that Blacks must determine their own strategy and tactics, select their own leaders, and have the right to self-defense in the face of racist attacks. Educate and organize Hounded, harassed, and faced with the constant threat of sudden death, Malcolm X sought to build an organization. (When he was killed he was about to give a speech to open discussion on the program of the Organization of Afro-American United [OAAU], the group he founded to politically organize the Black community.) Malcolm X was vilified and slandered because he called American society by its right name – racist. He was against “non-violence” when Blacks were physically attacked by racists and he advocated Black self-defense. He was called a “Black racist,” an “extremist,” and a “hate monger” by so-called liberals because he could not see the efficacy of “turning the other cheek.” Malcolm X said, “If we react to white racism with a violent reaction, to me that’s not Black racism. If you come to put a rope around my neck, and I hang you for it, to me that’s not racism. Yours is racism. . . My reaction is the reaction of a human being reacting to defend and protect himself.” When Malcolm X spoke, Black people listened. A brilliant speaker, who stripped American racist society to the bare bones, Malcolm X smashed illusions in gradual reform: “You’ve been waiting over 400 years for your freedom.” He exposed the hypocrisy of the liberals, who cautioned Blacks to go slow and be “non-violent.” They want you to be non-violent here,” he said, “but they want you to be very violent in South Vietnam.” Malcolm X connected the struggle of Blacks in American to the struggles of the oppressed all over the world. “We are living in an era of revolution,” he told students at Columbia University, “and the revolt of the American Negro is part of the rebellion against oppression and colonialism which has characterized this era . . .It is incorrect to classify the revolt of the Negro as simply a racial conflict of Black against white, or as a purely American problem. Rather, we are today seeing a global rebellion of the oppressed against the oppressor, the exploited against the exploiter.” The logic of Malcolm X’s fight against U.S. racism and injustice led him to take anti-capitalist positions. “You can’t have capitalism without racism,” he said. Asked what he thought was responsible for race prejudice in America, he responded: “Ignorance and greed. And a skillfully designed program of mis-education that goes right along with the American system of exploitation and oppression.” Malcolm X’s political evolution in his last year was the reason he was killed. ”By any means necessary” Malcolm X believed that the fight for Black freedom should be won “by any means necessary.” He had become an implacable opponent of the Democratic and Republican parties. “Any Negro who registers as a Democrat or a Republican,” he said, “is a traitor to his own people.” “Our people need to get registered,” he said, “[They] need to pile up political power, but they need to hold it in abeyance and throw it in . . . when they know it will get results. Don’t just throw it because you’ve got it.” When he was asked by the Freedom Now Party in Michigan (an independent Black party) to be their candidate in the 1964 elections, he gave it serious consideration. He declined only because he would have had to shorten his trip to Africa. Malcolm X had no illusions in the so-called differences between the Democrats and Republicans. “One is the wolf, the other is a fox. No matter what, they’ll both eat you.” In the 1964 presidential elections, when the candidates were Johnson (the “peace” candidate) vs. Goldwater (the “war” candidate), Malcolm X exposed the deciet of this phony distinction. “The shrewd capitalists, the shrewd imperialists,” he said, “knew that the only way people would run towards the fox (Johnson) would be if you showed them the wolf (Goldwater). So they created a ghastly alternative . . . And at the moment he (Johnson) had troops invading the Congo and South Vietnam.” Revolutionist of action Malcolm X was much more than just a “shrewd” operator. He was a principled political leader in the fight for Black rights. Despite his tactical disagreements with the predominant “non-violent” wing of the civil rights movement, Malcolm X stressed the need for all tendencies and organizations in the Black movement to come together – in action. He advocated and promoted a united front of all Black organizations independent of the “white power structure.” He stated repeatedly: “There must be Black unity before there can be Black-white unity.” Once that was accomplished, Malcolm X was willing to work with any person or group who wanted to help. He considered himself a Muslim, a Black nationalist, and a revolutionary. But Malcolm X was also a revolutionist of action. And although he did not consider himself a Marxist, he observed in favorable terms that most of the former colonial countries in Africa and Asia were opting for socialism. The tragedy of Malcolm X’s death was that he was cut down while he was still evolving; still searching for a method and program that would be the most effective tool for Black liberation. Only 39 years old when he died, he wasn’t allowed to reach his full political stature. Consequently, the Black liberation movement was deprived of one of its best fighters and leaders. Unfortunately, there are no national birthday celebrations for Malcolm X (he was born Malcolm Little on May 19, 1925). No boulevards or streets – and with the exception of some alternative schools in the Black community – virtually no buildings bear his name. But his ideas and his example will inspire a new generation to correct this glaring ommission – in action, like Malcolm X would have done. It will be called the American soclalist revolution. Even in death, Malcolm X is still a very “dangerous” man. Youth for Socialist Action - fighting for a world worth living in! Revolutionary Theory

THE MESSENGER OF THE MANY''NC FWAMBA''

THE MURDER OF TUPAC AMARU-THE LAST INCA OF PERU

Tupac Amaru, The Life, Times, and Execution of the Last Inca In 1533 Francisco Pizarro, after killing Inca Atahuallpa, marched from Cajamarca, Peru, towards the Incan capitol of Cuzco unopposed by native forces. He was accompanied by Manco Capac II, half-brother of the assassinated Inca. Manco Capac, as a reward for submission to Spanish rule, was appointed puppet Inca by Pizarro. Several years of humiliation and his imprisonment hardened Manco Capac's hatred for the conquistadors. After escaping from his jail, the Saxsayhuaman fortress, Manco Capac organized an army and attacked Cuzco in 1536. So began the belated resistance to the Spanish conquest in South America. Firing red-hot stones with slings the resistance set their occupied sacred city, Cuzco, afire. The Spaniards retreated to the Saxsayhuaman fortress, where their force of 200 with superior armaments held off Manco Capac's force of 40,000 to 50,000. The Incans were unable to adapt to the Spanish weapons. Although they captured some firearms, they were unable to use them. Due to the onset of planting season many of the rebels abandoned the uprising. Manco Capac's forces prematurely ended the siege and altered their strategy. They moved to Ollantaytambo to wage a war of attrition on the conquerors. When driven from Ollantaytambo the Incas retreated to the more remote and difficult to access Vitcos, a town in the rugged and nearly impenetrable Vilcabamba Andes. From their remote mountain location Manco Capac directed the harassment of the Europeans, making it impossible for the Spaniards to establish settlements anywhere in southern Peru. Meanwhile, Paullu was crowned puppet Inca in Cuzco. When civil war broke out among the conquerors Manco Capac sided with Almagro against Pizarro. Upon defeat Almagro fled towards Vitcos in the Vilcabamba valley. He was captured en route. Seven of Almagro's followers managed to escape Pizarro and were given refuge by Manco Capac. He ordered that they should have houses, "treating them very well and giving them all they needed. He even ordered his own women to prepare their food and drink." (Titu Cusi Yupanqui 74) In 1544 these seven assassinated the Inca , their host and protector of two years, by stabbing him in the back while playing horseshoes. After repeatedly stabbing the defenseless Inca the seven men escaped on horseback. Their escape plan failed when they took a wrong turn. They were found and executed the following day. Sayri Tupac, a five-year-old, witnessed his father's murder and succeeded him. Prince Philip of Spain wrote to Sayri Tupac in 1552 acknowledging that Manco Capac's actions had been provoked. Prince Philip pardoned Sayri Tupac for all crimes since his accession. Prince Philip also asked the Viceroy to negotiate with the Incas. In 1557 Sayri Tupac abandoned his father's struggle for independence and accepted the offer of the Spaniards to return to Cuzco. He departed Vilcabamba province without the royal insignia. His half-brother, Titu Cusi, and the military commanders were using Sayri Tupac as a guinea-pig, to test the real intentions of the Spanish. In Cuzco Sayri Tupac received a special dispensation from Pope Julius III in order to consecrate his marriage to his sister Cusi Huarcay. The Spaniards were pleased that the Inca was now a Christian and that the rebellion had been ended. In 1561 the young Inca suddenly died of poisoning. Just as suddenly Vilcabamba was again ruled as a separate native state. Another of Manco Capac's sons, Titu Cusi, became the Inca from 1560 to 1571, usurping his younger half-brother, Manco Capac's legitimate son Tupac Amaru. Titu Cusi made Tupac Amaru a priest and the custodian of Manco Capac's body in Vilcabamba. Negotiations to lure Titu Cusi to Cuzco failed. Titu Cusi initially renewed raiding and encouraged native uprisings while governing the independent neo-Inca state from Vilcabamba. Bernabé Cobo reported that Titu Cusi "set himself to doing the Christians as much harm as he was able. . . (he) killed travelers. As a result there was no safe place in the districts of Cuzco or Huamanga, and no one could travel from place to place without an escort." (Cobo 240) Peru's new Governor-General Lope García de Castro accused the Inca of urging uprisings in Chilé and Argentina. After discovering a possible concerted rebellion in Peru he wrote to the King, "there has been much carelessness in this kingdom. The Indians have been allowed to have horses, mares and arquebuses, and many of them know how to ride and shoot an arquebus very well." (García de Castro 60) Governor-General Castro ordered the confiscation from all Indians of horses and Spanish weapons. A resurgence of native religion was also occurring. The Spaniards viewed the existence of Vilcabamba and a non-Christian Inca as a continuing threat to their security. The Spaniards openly threatened to conquer Vilcabamba. Titu Cusi, in order to enhance his son Quispe Titu's chances of succession, wished to see him marry his cousin Beatriz Clara Coya, the daughter of two of Manco Capac's legitimate children. This desire and the threats of conquest caused Titu Cusi to renew negotiations with the Spanish. Titu Cusi's father had been killed and his mother, sister and cousin had been raped by Spaniards. He had been imprisoned, collared like a dog and ransomed for a trunk of gold. He wrote of his suspicion that the Spaniards had poisoned his brother, Sayri Tupac. Yet, during his administration, Titu Cusi moved towards the less bellicose position of coexistence. Envoys were admitted to Vilcabamba and negotiations initiated. The peace treaty of Acobamba was signed in 1566. Titu Cusi gave orders to end raiding and killing of Spaniards. In 1567 Titu Cusi declared his allegiance to the King of Spain. On July 9 in a special ceremony the Inca performed rites to the Sun and "placed his hand on the ground and [swore] to keep the peace" declaring that he "placed himself of his own free will . . . under the power and strength of the kings of Spain." (Coleción 275) Titu's brothers, including Tupac Amaru, made the same submission. As agreed by treaty Titu Cusi allowed two Augustine monks and a corregidor (royal administrator) into Vilcabamba. Quispe Titu was baptized on July 20, after instruction. King Philip requested a papal dispensation so Quispe Titu and his cousin Beatrice Coya could marry, which was granted. In 1570 Friar Diego Ortiz became a close companion to the Inca. When Titu fell ill and suddenly died Diego Ortiz, who was nearby, was blamed with poisoning him. Friar Ortiz was tortured and killed. Tupac Amaru, a legitimate son of Manco Capac, emerged as the next ruler. Tupac Amaru had grown up in the Incan convent of Vilcabamba, the so-called religious university of the Incas. He was favored by the native religious and military leaders. Unlike Quispe Titu, Tupac Amaru was an adult. And he opposed Christianity and the Spanish occupation. In Vilcabamba all signs of Christianity were quickly destroyed and churches were leveled. The few Spaniards were killed and the borders closed to further incursions. The Spaniards in Cuzco knew nothing of what had transpired. Two envoys sent were each in turn not allowed to enter the province and failed to contact the Inca. Also, the Spaniards had failed to send the tributes promised to the Inca in the treaty of Acobamba. A third envoy was killed by an Indian captain at the border, and this incident became known in Cuzco. King Charles, in 1549, had decreed that conquest expeditions were to engage in fighting only in self-defense because, in good conscience, their underlying authority stemmed from a papal edict to convert the pagans. Using the justification that the Incas had "broken the inviolate law observed by all nations of the world regarding ambassadors" (Murua 1, 246) the new Viceroy, Francisco de Toledo, decided to attack and conquer Vilcabamba. His proclamation of war was published on April 14, 1572. Two weeks later ten soldiers with artillery and firearms took possession of the bridge of Chuquichaca, the entrance to Vilcabamba province on the Urubamba River. By late May Toledo had assembled 250 Spanish soldiers and 2,000 Indian warriors. On June 1, the first engagement of the war commenced in the Vilcabamba valley. The natives "advanced with their lances, maces, and arrows with as much spirit, brio and determination as the most experienced, valiant and disciplined soldiers of Flanders" (Salazar 4, 832) against the firearms and artillery for hours, then retreated. On the 23rd of June the fort of Huayna Pucará surrendered to Spanish artillery fire. Tupac Amaru had left for Vilcabamba the previous day. On June 24, 1572 the invaders occupied Vilcabamba, the last free Inca city. The city was found deserted and sacked. The houses of the Inca had been burned. All food stores had been destroyed and were still smoldering. Inca Tupac and a party of about 100 had escaped into the jungle in various directions the day before. Three groups of pursuing Spanish soldiers returned. One group had captured Tuti Cusi's son and pregnant wife. A second returned with prisoners and a million in gold, silver and emeralds, which was divided between the soldiers and priests. The third group returned with Tupac Amaru's two brothers, other relatives and several of his generals. The Inca and his commander remained at large. A group of forty hand-picked soldiers set out to pursue them. They followed the Masahuay river for 170 miles, where they found an Inca warehouse with quantities of gold and the Inca's tableware. Captured Chunco Indians reported that Tupac was down river in Momorí. Expedition leader García de Loyola ordered the building of five rafts and pursued the Inca, surviving turbulent rapids en route. At Momorí they discovered that Tupac had escaped by land. They followed with the help of the Mamarí Indians, who advised which path the Inca had followed and reported that Tupac was slowed by his wife, who was about to give birth. After a fifty mile march they saw a campfire around nine o'clock at night. They found Tupac Amaru and his wife warming themselves. They assured them that no harm would come to them and secured their surrender. Tupac Amaru was arrested. The captured were marched into Cuzco on Sept. 21. Tupac Amaru was "held by a chain of gold round his neck" (Salazar 30, 278). The victors also brought the mummified remains of Manco Capac and Titu Cusi and a gold statue of Punchao, a representation of the Incan lineage containing the mortal remains of the hearts of the deceased Incas. The final stage of the conquest began in the prison where the attempt to indoctrinate and convert Tupac and his fellow captives to Christianity was undertaken. In a mere two days and nights they were instructed by a small army of proselytizers in all that was necessary for their baptism. At the same time they were tried and convicted. The five Native generals received a summary trial at which nothing was said in their defense. They were sentenced to hang. Several who died of the severe torture they received were nonetheless hung. The "trial of the Inca was hurried and was manifestly unjust." (Hemming 445) Tupac Amaru was convicted of the murder of Friar Diego Ortiz and others, of which he was certainly innocent. Tupac Amaru was sentenced to be beheaded. Numerous clerics, convinced of Tupac Amaru's innocence, pleaded to no avail, on their knees before the Viceroy Toledo, that the Inca be sent to Spain for a trial instead of being executed. An eyewitness report from the day recalls that Tupac Amaru was led through the streets of Cuzco between Father Alonso de Baranza and Father Molina, who instructed him for the benefit of his soul. Vega Laoiza has him riding a mule with hands tied behind his back and a rope around his neck. Gabriel Oviedo and Baltasar de Ocampo report great crowds and the Inca surrounded by 400 guards with lances. In front of the main cathedral in the central square of Cuzco a black-draped scaffold had been erected. The plaza was so densely crowded for the spectacle that the chief officer of the court rode down many people to clear a path. Reportedly 10,000 to 15,000 witnesses were present. Tupac Amaru mounted the scaffold with Bishop Agustín de la Corunna. The "multitude of Indians, who completely filled the square, saw that lamentable spectacle [and knew] that their lord and Inca was to die, they deafened the skies, making them reverberate with their cries and wailing." (Murúa 271) Murúa, writing in Spanish reported: "Fue cosa notable, y de admiracíon, lo que refieren: que como la magnitud de yndios en la placa estauan, y toda la enchían, biendo aquel espectáculo triste y lamentable, que auía de morir allí su Ynga y señor, atronasen los cielos y los hicciesen retumbar con gritos, bocería y los parientes suios, que cerca estauab, con lágrimas y sollozos selebrasen aquella triste trajedia, los que en el tablado estauan a la execucíon mandase callar aquella jente a lo cual el pobre Tupa Amaro alcando la mano dío una palmada con la cual toda la gente callámás llanto ni boz ninguna, que fue yndicio y señal manifiesta de la obedencia, temor y respeto que los indios tenía a sus incas y señores. Pues aquel que jamás los más auían visto, pues siempre se estuuiere en Vilcabamba, retirado desde niño, a una palmada reprimieron los llantos y lágrimas salidas del coraón que tan dificultosas son de ocultar y esconder..."Tupac Amaru calmly raised his hands and silence and motionlessness fell upon the densely packed crowd. Several versions survive of the Inca's speech. In one report Tupac spoke and implored the crowd to never curse their children for bad behavior, but only to punish them, for once he had annoyed his mother and she cursed him with an unnatural death. The priests convinced him that his death was the wish of God. He asked forgiveness of everyone and told the Viceroy he would pray to God for him. Bishop Popoyán and some priest implored the Viceroy to send Tupac Amaru to Spain to be tried by the king. The viceroy, Francisco de Toledo ordered Juan de Soto, his servant and law officer of the court through the crowd to the center of the spectacle. He galloped furiously to the gallows with the Viceroy's order that the Inca's head be cut off at once, crushing many people in the crowd. In another report, based on Salazar, the Inca is reported to have renounced Incan religion and admitted to the crowd that he had become a Christian. He reportedly stated that everything the Incas had said about their relationship to the Sun was false. It is likelier that a priest delivered this message from the gallows. Another eyewitness, Juan Quispe Kuro, reports that Tupac Amaru's last request was that he be allowed to say good-bye to his young children, who ascended the gallows with dignity and hugged their father. As reported by Baltasar de Ocampa and Friar Gabriel de Oviedo, Prior of the Dominicans at Cuzco, both eyewitnesses, the Incas last words were, "Ccollanan Pachacamac ricuy auccacunac yahuarniy hichascancuta." "Mother Earth, witness how my enemies shed my blood." By one account Tupac Amaru placed his head on the block. The executioner took Tupac's hair in one hand and severed his head in a single blow. He raised his head in the air for the crowd to view. At the same time all the bells of the many churches and monasteries of the city were rung. A great sorrow and tears were brought to all the native peoples present. The military leader of the Incan army, Wallpa Yupanki was also decapitated, two generals were hung and the hands of three other resistors were chopped off, according to Guillon's recounting. Toledo also ordered the burning of the mummies of the Incas. Baltasar Ocampo reports that Tupac Amaru's severed head was impaled on a lance near the gallows. At night the Incan people began to gather in the plaza. In the early morning Juan del la Serna observed this practice, considered idolatrous worship. The Viceroy then ordered the head buried with the body. A pontifical mass was celebrated for the Inca's soul and all the clergy of the great city took part in the funeral. Tupac Amaru's mortal remains are buried in the Church constructed upon the remains of the Coricancha, the Incan monument to the Sun which had housed the mummies of his ancestors. Nearly forty years after the conquest of Peru began with the execution of Atahuallpa, the conquest ended with the execution of his nephew. A roundup of Incan descendants was soon initiated by the Viceroy. Several dozen, including Tupac Amaru's three-year-old son, were banished to Mexico, Chilé, Panama and elsewhere. King Philip overturned some of the banishments. Toledo ruled Peru with a harshness never before known. He wrote a large volume of laws, including "Any Indian who makes friendship with an Indian woman who is an infidel, is to receive one hundred lashes, for the first offense..." and "Indians shall no longer use surnames taken from the moon, birds, animals, serpents, or rivers, which they formerly used." In Cuzco on Sept. 18, 1589, the last survivor of the original conquerors of Peru, Don Mancio Serra de Leguisamo, wrote in the preamble of his will the following in parts: "[W]e found these kingdoms in such good order, and the said Incas governed them in such wise that throughout them there was not a thief, nor a vicious man, nor an adulteress, nor was a bad woman admitted among them, nor were there immoral people. The men had honest and useful occupations. The lands, forests, mines, pastures, houses and all kinds of products were regulated and distributed in such sort that each one knew his property without any other person seizing it or occupying it, nor were there law suits respecting it... "...the motive which obliges me to make this statement is the discharge of my conscience, as I find myself guilty. For we have destroyed by our evil example, the people who had such a government as was enjoyed by these natives. They were so free from the committal of crimes or excesses, as well men as women, that the Indian who had 100,000 pesos worth of gold or silver in his house, left it open merely placing a small stick against the door, as a sign that its master was out. With that, according to their custom, no one could enter or take anything that was there. When they saw that we put locks and keys on our doors, they supposed that it was from fear of them, that they might not kill us, but not because they believed that anyone would steal the property of another. So that when they found that we had thieves among us, and men who sought to make their daughters commit sin, they despised us." (Markham 300) According to Spanish records the 'number of souls under their jurisdiction' fell from about 1.5 million in 1561 to 600,000 in 1796 (including European descendants). Prior to 1561 it is estimated more than 75% of the native population perished due to small pox, measles and influenzas introduced by the Europeans. Famines also took their toll due to the disruptions of economic and social life. In some provinces fully two-thirds of the population was conscripted to work in silver mines, where most perished. By 1800, the population was reduced to one-tenth the aboriginal level, if not far less. In 1780 Tupac Amaru's great-grandson, José Gabriel Condorcanqui, better known as Tupac Amaru II, led the first major Incan uprising against the Spaniards in two centuries. His rebellion was suppressed, he was captured and sentenced to be tortured and put to death. After his torture he was killed by being drawn and quartered on the main plaza in Cuzco in 1781, in the same place as his namesake had been beheaded. Other regional revolts followed. Thereafter all the descendants of the Incas were once again traced and many were executed. A group of ninety were sent to Spain where most died in prisons. When the Creole (mestizo) aristocracy of Peru won independence from Spain the Indians suffered even greater atrocities, particularly the loss of community lands. A system of chattelism was imposed in exchange for the right to live on haciendas and maintain a few animals. Agrarian reform was not initiated in Bolivia until 1953. In Peru in 1969 a revolutionary military junta decreed a land reform law. This author, as a Peace Corps worker in the Peruvian Ministry of Agriculture, participated in the liberation of several haciendas. At Hacienda Sollocota the enslavement of 100 native Incan families ended when the junta presented them title to their ancestral lands. On that day, during a great celebration with traditional music and dancing, one of those given ownership stated to this author, "We have waited four hundred years for our freedom, and today we are free." machu_picchu.kmz Valley of the Incas, Inca Trail, and Machu Picchu Placemarks. BIBLIOGRAPHY: Cobo, Bernabe, Historia del Nuevo Mundo, bk 12. Coleccíon de documentos inéditos relativos al descubrimiento, conquista y organización de las antiquas posesiónes españoles de Ultramar, ed. Angel de Altolaguirre y Duvale and Adolfo Bonilla y San Martin, 25 vols., Madrid, 1885-1932, vol.15. In Hemming. García de Castro, Lope, Despatch, Lima, Mar. 6, 1565, Gobernantes del Perú, cartas y papeles, Siglo xvi, Documentos del Archivo de Indias, Coleción de Publicaciones Históricas de la Biblioteca del Congreso Argentino, ed. Roberto Levillier, 14 vols., Madrid, 1921-6. In Hemming. Guillen Guillen, Edmundo, La Guerra de Reconquista Inka, Historica epica de como Los Incas lucharon en Defensa de la Soberanía del Perú ó Tawantinsuyu entre 1536 y 1572, Primera edición, ímpeso en Lima, El Perú. Hemming, John, The Conquest of the Incas, Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, Inc., New York, 1970. Markham, Sir Clements, The Incas of Peru, Second Edition, John Murray, London, 1912. Métraux, Alfred, The History of the Incas, Translated from the French by George Ordish, Pantheon Books, New York, 1969. Mura, Martín de, Historia General del Perú, Orígin y descendencia de los Incas (1590 - 1611), ed. Manuel Ballesteros-Gaibrois, 2 vols., Madrid, 1962, 1964. In Hemming. Ocampa, Baltasar de, Descripción de la Provincia de Sant Francisco de la Vitoria de Vilcapampa (1610). Trans, C. R. Markham, The Hakluyt Society, Second Series, vol. 22, 1907. In Hemming. Salazar, Antonio Bautista de, Relación sobre el periodo del gobierno de los Virreyes Don Francisco de Toledo y Don García Hurtado de Mendoza (1596), Coleción de documentos inéditos relativos al descubrimiento, conquista y colonization de las posesiones espanolas en América y Oceanía sacadas en su mayor parte de Real Archivo de Indias, 42 vols., Madrid, 1864-84. In Hemming. Titu Cusi Yupanqui, Inca Diego del Castro, Relación de la conquista del Perú y hechos del Inca Manco II; Instrución el muy Ille. Señor Ldo. Lope García de Castro, Gouernador que fue destas rreynos del Pirú (1570), Coleción de libros y documentos referentes a la historia del Perú, ed. Carlos A. Romero and Horacio H. Urteaga, two series, 22 vols., Lima, 1916-35. In Hemming. Valladolid, 29 April 1549, Colección de documentos para la historia de la formación social de Hispano-América, ed. Richard Konetzke, 4 vols., Madrid, 1953. In Hemming. Vargas Ugarte, Ruben, Historia del Perú, Virreinato (1551-1600), Lima, 1949, p. 258. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS: Many of the translations in this article are quoted from the work of John Hemming. Hemming's work, Conquest of the Incas, is both a major work of excellent scholarship and an enthralling narrative. I highly recommend the book to those seeking further authoritative information and greater detail about one of the most tragic genocides in human history. I receive many inquiries due to this page, and I direct most of them to Hemming's publications. Thanks are extended to Tom Shoemaker for his editing help and to Peruvian native Frank Fernandez for comments and a helpful correction. NOTES: Aug. 2006. I received a careful review of a passage in the article from Manuel J. Inguanzo. I had written, "At the age of eight or nine Beatriz Clara Coya, the daughter of Sayri Tupac and heiress to his great estates, was wedded to Cristóbal Maldonado and then raped by him to give greater force to the wedding claim. This was done in an attempt to secure her inheritance." Manuel noted, other histories do not report this marriage actually taking place, and he kindly provided the further details. Manuel Inguanzo, summarizing Spanish language histories he found on the topic, reported, "The royal child was raised by the nuns of the convent of Santa Clara in Cuzco until she was eight years old, when her mother took her to the house of Arias Maldonado, an influential conquistador. In that household, plans were laid our to marry her to Cristobal, brother of Arias Maldonado. ... It was even murmured that Cristobal Maldonado had raped the child Beatriz Clara in order to force a marriage to take place. ... Titu Cusi Yupanqui, as a condition to abandon the refuge in Vilcabamba, which had been so irritating to the Spanish crown, wanted the authorization of the marriage of his son Quispe Tito to the girl... doña Beatriz was returned to the convent where she stayed until she turned 15 years old, when at the behest of the viceroy Francisco de Toledo, she indicated her preference for"marriage. The viceroy Toledo gave her in marriage to a captain in his retinue, Martín García de Loyola, as a reward for having captured and taken in chains to Cuzco Tupac Amaru..." Sources: Diccionario histórico-biográfico del Perú. Tomo segundo, Manuel de Mendiburu Lima, Imprenta de J. Francisco Solis, 1876, and http://www.cervantesvirtual.com, entry: Doña María Coya de Loyola Inca.